When the former Welsh Conservative leader, Paul Davies, cried for a “dose of Dom” to be injected into our politics, I am sure this is not what he meant.

A seven-hour offensive by the prime minister’s former chief adviser on Wednesday gave us political theatre at its finest, with (several Tory) casualties splattered across Whitehall. Matt Hancock? A serial liar deserving the sack. Our Prime Minister? Incompetent and reckless. The British Government? Even more incompetent and reckless. Few, aside from the rising darling Rishi Sunak and the “weirdos and misfits” Cummings hired into Downing Street, were left unscathed.

The performance was quite astonishing, as the first minister said this week, extraordinary even – and Westminster has seen some truly remarkable shows. Only the measured, public and clinical political assassination attempt by Geoffrey Howe – who succeeded in fatally wounding Margaret Thatcher with his resignation speech made to the House of Commons in 1990 – comes close in its drama and political impact in recent memory.

This time, there was no broken cricket bat in sight; in fact, there was no batsman whatsoever on the crease, leaving Cummings to hit the middle wicket again and again every over. Wild claims were repeatedly fed to the delighted media – who were fielders ready to catch the PM and most of the Cabinet out – including one about Johnson wanting to be injected with Covid-19 on live television, just to show how little threat the virus would be. Howzat!

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The Thick of It actor Chris Addison captured the whole saga perfectly: if anything, it demonstrated how close comedy is to tragedy: the select committee appearance would have been so funny if 150,000 people were not dead.

Admittedly, we must assess the allegations with the benefit of hindsight and in consideration of Cummings’ quest for revenge. What we cannot ignore is the fact that he was in the room when fatal decisions were made.

And remember those had an impact on us in Wales, where we idly followed Westminster in the early stages of the pandemic. Cardiff also failed in the crucial months at the start of 2020 – disastrously on PPE procurement for care homes, the testing system, and with its lethargic response to shutting down large events.

But what struck me most about the ‘evidence’ was the overwhelming feeling that this was a different political climate; one that bore little resemblance to our politics both in appearance and character. It signified, in a strange way, the finale of the first act of Wales’s new relationship to its neighbour and more profoundly with a political system that no longer seems as natural to our existence as it has done for several centuries.

This time last year, I wrote for The Spectator why Wales and Westminster didn’t agree on lockdowns. There I explained the robust approach that Mark Drakeford’s government had started to take in the summer months, deviating from restrictions set in London and clearly communicating to Downing Street that “it will not blindly follow Westminster policy and instead act with its own sovereign powers.”

That was just the beginning. Relations between both governments have continued to deteriorate – the FM was even recorded calling Johnson “really awful” during a fly-on-the-wall S4C documentary a few weeks ago –  and the recent Senedd election has reaffirmed that there is a distinctive polity in this western corner of Britain.

Then this month we had the ‘Plan for Wales’: another step in setting Westminster and Wales apart. With its fire breathing dragon cliches included, some mandarins in Whitehall may think it is an ambitious “programme of renewal” but it is difficult to see it as anything other than British ministers pulling up the drawbridge to govern Wales from afar. It is easy and valuable ammunition for YesCymru.

Although the movement is subdued and busy infighting on social media after the lulled response to Plaid Cymru on May 7, it will be ready to pounce after events in Scotland become clearer.

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Cummings’ tirade is by no means as consequential as the roll-back of devolution, but his theatrics were a timely reminder that Westminster does not work for Wales, or anyone for that matter. The Welsh are governed differently, and although it is not perfect in Cardiff, it is a stark contrast to what is happening up the M4.

While the English may simply ignore the faults, chaos and confusion at the heart of its government, which is totally their prerogative, I suspect the people of Wales may not ride the same wave.

Reversing centuries of ties to Westminster is a process rather than an event, of course. We are, according to Professor Richard Wyn Jones, becoming the UK’s answer to Montenegro. Montenegrins were, after all, pretty obedient people – happy with the autonomous position they occupied in Yugoslavia, before the state collapsed and left them with their much larger neighbour, the Serbs. Sound familiar?

Montenegrins eventually voted by the finest of margins to form their own independent state. Wales is still some way off from then, but this week’s events confirm what I have expected for some time: that Westminster is rapidly becoming alien in appearance and relevance to Wales.

It is a toxic nucleus plagued by melodramatic infighting and incompetent governance, with its Welsh outpost – for so long championed by the greats of our nation – used to force a unitary state on the Welsh public, and making a Montenegrin destiny more and more likely. Westminster: you have been warned.